Protests

　　全球抗議活動

　　Not quite together

　　目標(biāo)不一致

　　Protests are proliferating across the world. Theiraim is not obvious. Nor is how much they matter.

　　抗議活動正擴(kuò)散至全世界。這些活動沒有明確目標(biāo)，也沒有太大意義。

　　THE aims may be incoherent, but the commonthreads are clear. The protests that have mushroomed in over 900 cities in 80-plus countriesover the past few days have voiced few practical demands, and in some cases they actuallyavoid making any. Participants favour the general over the specific. They think need mattersmore than greed. They like decisions by consensus, distrust elites and feel that capitalismspains and gains are unfairly shared. Beyond that, the horizon clouds.

　　雖然抗議活動的目標(biāo)可能是含糊不清，但是共同的思路是十分明確的。過去一些天里，迅速出現(xiàn)在全球80 多個國家里900多個城市的中的抗議活動所提出的實(shí)質(zhì)性的要求甚少，在某些情況下抗議者們竟然閉口不談。比起具體目標(biāo)，抗議者們更喜歡整體性的反抗。他們認(rèn)為自己的實(shí)際需要比貪得無厭更重要。他們喜歡通過共識作出決定，不相信上層集團(tuán)，認(rèn)為自己更多地承受著資本主義的痛苦而非享受著它的甘甜。除此之外便沒有什么明確的說法了。

　　In many cities the protesters have set up encampments that are meant to last indefinitely; inothers they came and went. Defining where the wave of protests started is hard. Some point toIsrael, where public unhappiness focused on the cost of food, housing and education. Spainsindignados, or indignant ones, still going strong since their start in May, have a claim too. Butthe protesters brand is most firmly linked to New York.Now in its second month, the Occupy Wall Street encampment in Zuccotti Park is already a fixture on the tourist circuit. Visitors can startat the 9/11 Memorial on the site of the World Trade Centre, then stroll up the hill for a picturewith one of the hundreds of protesters. The camp also attracts well-wishers, including famousnames like Salman Rushdie, Susan Sarandon and Naomi Wolf .

　　在很多城市抗議者們設(shè)立了營地，打算將抗議活動進(jìn)行到底。其他一些城市的抗議者們則時來時去。確定此輪抗議大潮的起源地是很困難的。在一定程度上可以說是以色列，當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣駥τ陲w漲的食品，住房，教育價格怨聲載道。西班牙的indignados們，或者說憤怒者們的示威游行自五月份開始以來仍然沒有減弱，他們也有自己的宣言。但是世界各地抗議者們的招牌和紐約抗議活動的聯(lián)系最為密切。占領(lǐng)華爾街運(yùn)動已經(jīng)進(jìn)入第二個月，其位于祖可蒂公園的營地已經(jīng)是旅游環(huán)形路線上的固定地標(biāo)。游客們從世貿(mào)中心遺址上的9.11紀(jì)念碑出發(fā)，順著小山走上去和眾多抗議者們其中的一些人合影留念。營地也吸引了一些懷有美好祝愿的支持者，包括Salman Rushdie、Susan Sarandon、 Naomi Wolf 等著名人物。

　　In more than one sense, the protest can seem misplaced. Some of the biggest financial firmsleft Wall Street for midtown Manhattan years ago. Aside from the hallmark We are the 99%,the placards on display cover a huge range of causes, many of which have nothing to do withthe underpricing of risk, moral hazard and other faults, real or imagined, of financialcapitalism. Some want to tax the rich, others to decertify business schools. Hostile referencesto Wal-Mart and Starbucks outnumber those to any Wall Street firms.

　　在很多意義上講，此次抗議活動可以說是不合時宜。一些大的金融公司多年前就離開了華爾街前往曼哈頓中心地區(qū)。除了我們是受苦的99%這一典型的口號，他們打出的標(biāo)語包含很多原因，但是其中很多都和低估風(fēng)險，道德敗壞等這些不管是真實(shí)存在的還是想象出來的金融資本主義的缺點(diǎn)無關(guān)。有些人希望對富人征稅，有些人希望取消商學(xué)院的資格。對于沃爾瑪和星巴克的惡意攻擊比對華爾街公司的聲討還多。

　　The general tone is left-wing, though a lone youth with an End the Fed placard is described asa Ron Paul person, and the libertarian Republican presidential hopeful has at least a handfulof supporters there. Doug Schoen, a pollster for the Democrats, surveyed 200 participantsand found most were well to the left of the American mainstream. Virtually all say theywould support civil disobedience to achieve their goals, and nearly one-third would useviolence if necessary.

　　雖然舉著結(jié)束美聯(lián)儲標(biāo)語牌的一個年輕人被描述為支持Ron Paul的人，而且Ron Paul這位有望獲勝的自由意志共和黨候選人擁有不少支持者，但是抗議的總體基調(diào)是偏左的。民主黨民意調(diào)查員Doug Schoen調(diào)查了200位參與者后發(fā)現(xiàn)其中大部分人就美國主流價值觀念而言思想偏左。幾乎是所有人都認(rèn)為他們都將采用不合作主義達(dá)成目標(biāo)，幾乎有三分之一的人認(rèn)為有必要的話將采用暴力。

　　But even marginal groups can have a big impact in the right circumstances. Some 35% saidthey wanted the Occupy Wall Street movement to do for the Democrats what the tea party had done for the Republicans. Whether such anupheaval would ever increase a partys electability is another question.

　　但是在合適的情況下即使非主流的群體也會產(chǎn)生極大的影響。約35%的人希望占領(lǐng)華爾街運(yùn)動對于民主黨能起到茶黨對于共和黨的同樣的推動作用。但是這樣的折騰能否增加一個政黨獲勝的幾率又是另一回事了。

　　For many, the main aim may be to have fun. But the protest is also notable for scrupulousadherence to the sort of democratic values that Alexis de Tocqueville, a French chronicler ofAmerica, loved. A general assembly meets up to twice a day to discuss proposals from workinggroups. Politicians are wary of persecuting such well-disciplined gatherings and the police havelargely stayed their hand. They are happily earning overtime.

　　對于很多人而言，主要就是目標(biāo)就是玩樂。值得注意的是抗議者們認(rèn)真遵循著美國編年史作家法國人Alexis deTocqueville所推崇的民主觀。他們每天召開兩次大會討論勞動群體的提議。政客們在起訴這些紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明的機(jī)會方面十分謹(jǐn)慎，警察們大部分時間都放手不管。抗議者們喜歡表現(xiàn)的活躍。

　　What exactly would winning mean?

　　勝利到底意味著什么?

　　The protesters have not said what would make them declarevictory and go home. The first practical proposal, to cancel military operations overseas to payfor a big public-works programme, caused a big row. The easiest way for the protest todevelop may be through more civil disobedience. That stokes feelings of self-righteousness but does little to win wider support. Meanwhile, the protests political effectseems very uncertain. Protesters decry what they see as attempts by politicians, includingBarack Obama, to curry favour with them. Union support, which could add muscle, is patchy.Unions like the Teamsters are visible in New Yorks marches, but their offers of financialsupport are treated warily. In Spain the indignados have fanned fury with the Socialistgovernmentthus helping the centre-right, which is set to win next months election.

　　抗議者們沒有說明要達(dá)成什么目標(biāo)才能宣告勝利，解散回家。他們的第一個有實(shí)際意義的提議是是取消國外的軍事行動，轉(zhuǎn)而資助一項(xiàng)大規(guī)模的公共就業(yè)項(xiàng)目。該提議引起了大爭論。抗議繼續(xù)進(jìn)行的最簡單的方法或許是通過更多的不合作運(yùn)動，這樣做能夠這樣做讓人們自以為是正人君子，但是就取得更廣泛的支持方面成效甚少。同時，抗議者們的政治作用似乎很不確定。他們譴責(zé)包括奧巴馬在內(nèi)的政客們試圖討好他們的做法。工會的支持雖然能夠增加他們的影響力，但是這樣的支持力度不一。諸如Teamsters這樣的工會都參與了紐約的游行，但是在經(jīng)濟(jì)支持方面他們就表現(xiàn)的十分謹(jǐn)慎。西班牙的憤怒者運(yùn)動使人們對于社會主義黨政府更加不滿，因此幫助了右翼政黨，他們在下個月的大選中肯定能獲勝。

　　In contrast with previous anti-globalisation protests, many of the latest ones seem to havestarted spontaneously. In some cases, what began as freelance events gradually linked upwith protests in other cities and other countries as they gained momentum. That keepstechnology-minded activists busy exchanging messages and tactics, but it does not amount toan orchestrated global push.

　　和以前的反對全球化的抗議活動相比，近來的很多活動都是自發(fā)的。在一些情況下，一些起初的自由活動隨著聲勢的加強(qiáng)逐漸和其他省市或國家的抗議活動聯(lián)系了起來。這使得善于利用技術(shù)的活動者們忙于交換信息和對策，但這并不是一場協(xié)同一致的全球性活動。

　　The scene across Europe is similar. A tent city outside St Pauls Cathedral in London, bestknown for royal weddings, is festooned with slogans, chiefly bashing bankers . A friendly cathedral cleric persuaded police not to move the protest, atleast for now . Joanna Wilde, a chatty Australianwho works in tourism, says she will stay till we get what we wanteven if, as in America, whatthat might be is unclear. Her pal Jan wants more equality and empathy. Jamie Lee, a studentwashing cups in a makeshift kitchen, says the camp is the beginning of the end of globalcapitalism. A ten-point list of demands blasts tax havens and the influence of business overpolitics.

　　歐洲的情況同美國差不多。著名的皇室婚禮舉行地圣保羅教堂外支起了一個個帳篷，帳篷上面貼滿了標(biāo)語，標(biāo)語的主要內(nèi)容都是抨擊銀行家的。一位有好的教堂神職人員勸說警方不要把抗議者們趕走，至少因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在時機(jī)不合適。在旅游行業(yè)工作的健談的澳大利亞人Joanna Wilde說在得不到我們想要的她就不離開。盡管她這樣說，我們想要的同在美國一樣，獲取不清楚是什么。她的朋友Jan希望更加平等，更加相通。在一個臨時帳篷里洗杯子的學(xué)生Jamie Lee說抗議活動是全球資本主義瓦解的開始。一個列有十個要求的清單上批判避稅天堂和商業(yè)對于政治的影響。

　　Protests in Germany are more middle-class and even more focused. They have unleashedan overdue debate on the countrys universal banks. A 20-year-old called Wolfram Sienerbested two leading financiers on television. Wolfgang Sch?uble, the finance minister, said theprotests should be taken seriously. Sigmar Gabriel, leader of the opposition Social Democrats,said banks and the financial markets had worked massively against the commongoodbecause politicians let them. AttacDeutschland, a longer-standing anti-globalisation group, joined up with Occupy Frankfurt. Theywant to tax wealth and bank profits, and to break up big banks.

　　德國的抗議活動的參與者多來自中產(chǎn)階級，而且目標(biāo)更加集中。他們引發(fā)了一場就該國全能銀行遲來的辯論。20多歲的Wolfram Siener在電視辯論中打敗了兩位著名的金融界人士。財(cái)政部長Wolfgang Sch?uble認(rèn)為應(yīng)該認(rèn)真對待此次抗議活動。在野黨社會民主黨黨首Sigmar Gabriel認(rèn)為銀行和金融市場極力破壞公共利益，因?yàn)槭鞘苷蛡兯埂ｉL期的，全球化組織Attac Deutschland參加了占領(lǐng)法蘭克福運(yùn)動。他們希望對富人和銀行利潤征稅，解散大銀行。

　　Italy is very different. Banks there have not needed bailing out. Discontent among youngItalians stems rather from burning resentment at the lack of opportunity in an economy thathas been at a virtual standstill for more than ten years. But that does not explain the violence.Minutes after the start of a peaceful march by several tens of thousands through the centre ofRome, masked protesters looted a supermarket, defiled a church, set cars alight and battledpolice in a square near a cathedral. A crude bomb planted outside a bank badly injured apeaceful protester who tried to move it to safety. Italys interior minister, Roberto Maroni,rightly noted that the clashes could have been lethal. A detachment of riot police narrowlyescaped from an armoured van that was set alight by the protesters and exploded.

　　意大利的情況不同。當(dāng)?shù)劂y行不需要政府紓困。實(shí)際上意大利經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)十多年都停滯不前，人們對于缺少發(fā)展機(jī)會表示憤恨，意大利年輕人的不滿則更是因此不滿。但這并不是暴力活動的原因。成年上萬的人在羅馬市中心和平游行幾分鐘后，一些頭戴面具的抗議者們就搶劫了一家超市，踐踏了一所教堂，燒毀了車輛，在一大教堂附近的廣場上同警察產(chǎn)生沖突。一個放置在銀行外面的土炸彈把一個試圖將其運(yùn)走的和平示威者炸成重傷。意大利內(nèi)政部長Roberto Maroni說的很正確，這些沖突可能是致命的。一個被抗議者點(diǎn)燃后爆炸的裝甲小貨車險些奪走了一個制止暴亂的警察小分隊(duì)的人的性命。

　　Some blame poor work by police demoralised by pay cuts. Mr Maroni wants tougher powersagainst protests and the mayor has banned marches for a month. Some blame communities offar-leftists who are mostly ex-squatters. One in Turin, called Askatasuna, carried a statementon its website that celebrated mass resistance and sacred rage against austerity.

　　一些人責(zé)備警察們因?yàn)樾剿疁p少意志消沉，工作做得不好。Maroni先生希望采取更加嚴(yán)厲的措施打擊抗議活動，羅馬市長下令禁止在該市舉行游行，為期一個月。一些人批評了極左勢力的人的團(tuán)體，這些人中的大部分人曾經(jīng)都擅自占用過別人的土地。都靈的 Askatasuna社團(tuán)在其網(wǎng)站上發(fā)表聲明支持人們就緊縮措施的反對和不用質(zhì)疑的憤怒。

　　Two dangers await the campers. One is capture by outsiders, either opportunistic or batty,who wish to revive Trotskyism or bash America. Such causes may draw more support fromenthusiasts, but for the mainstream that merely worries about reckless banks and a saggingeconomy, they make the protests look tired and familiar, not new and fresh.

　　抗議者們面對兩大危險。第一個被外部人所利用，這些人不是機(jī)會主義者就是笨頭笨腦。他們希望復(fù)興托洛茨基主義或打垮美國。這些理由或許能從熱烈支持者那里得到更多的支持。但是對于那些擔(dān)心魯莽的銀行及衰退的經(jīng)濟(jì)的主流群體而言，這些人讓這些抗議活動看起來俗套無味，沒有新鮮感。

　　The second danger is that the protest consumes its own energy. Managing a large camp site ina city centre means mundane attention to detail, from toilets to rules on loud music, drugs,smoking and drinking. Keeping going will get harder as the weather chills. On top of that comethe problems of managing proceedings in what is in effect a huge debating society, in whicheveryone has a say, and speeches are relayed by human microphoneschanted sentence bysentence by the participants. All that gets tedious after a while.

　　第二個危險是抗議活動在消耗著自己的力量。在一個城市中心管理一個營地意味著注重從廁所到大聲音樂，毒品，抽煙，喝酒規(guī)定等的細(xì)節(jié)問題，這是很乏味的。隨著天氣變冷，繼續(xù)堅(jiān)持下去將變得更加困難。除此之外，還有在這個實(shí)際上是一個大的辯論社會中管理過程的問題。著這個社會里人人都有發(fā)言權(quán)，發(fā)言都是由人力麥克風(fēng)傳遞的，參與者們億一句接一句的把發(fā)言傳遞下去。這樣不久便會變得乏味起來。

　　The protests vague message chimes with a public sense of unfocused dismay. But this is notyet having any clear effect on politics, or the wider course of events. Crucially, most protestslack the sort of support from organised labour that crippled Greece this week. Only if thatchanges can they be a threat to elected governments. The protesters can occupy worldsfinancial markets physically, but they have not shown they can spook them. However if doubtsgrow about the ability of governments in Spain or Italy to enforce tax rises and spending cuts,the result could be a collapse in lenders confidence. With more muscle behind them, theprotesters could yet change the world, though the shift might not be to anyones advantage.

　　抗議者們不清楚的信息和公共沒有中心失落感一致。但這對政治或是更大范圍的的事件上并沒有產(chǎn)生明確的影響。關(guān)鍵的是，大部分的抗議活動缺少本周使希臘經(jīng)濟(jì)陷于癱瘓的有組織的工人們的支持。只有改變這種情況，他們才能對當(dāng)選政府構(gòu)成威脅。抗議者們可以占領(lǐng)全球的金融市場，但是還沒有證明自己可以嚇到它們。但是如果人們對西班牙或意大利政府提高稅收，削減開支的能力更加懷疑，那么結(jié)果可能使借貸國家對其喪失信心。抗議者們影響力日漸增加，他們總有一天能改變世界，盡管這樣的改變并不是對每個人都有利。

　　Protests

　　全球抗議活動

　　Not quite together

　　目標(biāo)不一致

　　Protests are proliferating across the world. Theiraim is not obvious. Nor is how much they matter.

　　抗議活動正擴(kuò)散至全世界。這些活動沒有明確目標(biāo)，也沒有太大意義。

　　THE aims may be incoherent, but the commonthreads are clear. The protests that have mushroomed in over 900 cities in 80-plus countriesover the past few days have voiced few practical demands, and in some cases they actuallyavoid making any. Participants favour the general over the specific. They think need mattersmore than greed. They like decisions by consensus, distrust elites and feel that capitalismspains and gains are unfairly shared. Beyond that, the horizon clouds.

　　雖然抗議活動的目標(biāo)可能是含糊不清，但是共同的思路是十分明確的。過去一些天里，迅速出現(xiàn)在全球80 多個國家里900多個城市的中的抗議活動所提出的實(shí)質(zhì)性的要求甚少，在某些情況下抗議者們竟然閉口不談。比起具體目標(biāo)，抗議者們更喜歡整體性的反抗。他們認(rèn)為自己的實(shí)際需要比貪得無厭更重要。他們喜歡通過共識作出決定，不相信上層集團(tuán)，認(rèn)為自己更多地承受著資本主義的痛苦而非享受著它的甘甜。除此之外便沒有什么明確的說法了。

　　In many cities the protesters have set up encampments that are meant to last indefinitely; inothers they came and went. Defining where the wave of protests started is hard. Some point toIsrael, where public unhappiness focused on the cost of food, housing and education. Spainsindignados, or indignant ones, still going strong since their start in May, have a claim too. Butthe protesters brand is most firmly linked to New York.Now in its second month, the Occupy Wall Street encampment in Zuccotti Park is already a fixture on the tourist circuit. Visitors can startat the 9/11 Memorial on the site of the World Trade Centre, then stroll up the hill for a picturewith one of the hundreds of protesters. The camp also attracts well-wishers, including famousnames like Salman Rushdie, Susan Sarandon and Naomi Wolf .

　　在很多城市抗議者們設(shè)立了營地，打算將抗議活動進(jìn)行到底。其他一些城市的抗議者們則時來時去。確定此輪抗議大潮的起源地是很困難的。在一定程度上可以說是以色列，當(dāng)?shù)厝嗣駥τ陲w漲的食品，住房，教育價格怨聲載道。西班牙的indignados們，或者說憤怒者們的示威游行自五月份開始以來仍然沒有減弱，他們也有自己的宣言。但是世界各地抗議者們的招牌和紐約抗議活動的聯(lián)系最為密切。占領(lǐng)華爾街運(yùn)動已經(jīng)進(jìn)入第二個月，其位于祖可蒂公園的營地已經(jīng)是旅游環(huán)形路線上的固定地標(biāo)。游客們從世貿(mào)中心遺址上的9.11紀(jì)念碑出發(fā)，順著小山走上去和眾多抗議者們其中的一些人合影留念。營地也吸引了一些懷有美好祝愿的支持者，包括Salman Rushdie、Susan Sarandon、 Naomi Wolf 等著名人物。

　　In more than one sense, the protest can seem misplaced. Some of the biggest financial firmsleft Wall Street for midtown Manhattan years ago. Aside from the hallmark We are the 99%,the placards on display cover a huge range of causes, many of which have nothing to do withthe underpricing of risk, moral hazard and other faults, real or imagined, of financialcapitalism. Some want to tax the rich, others to decertify business schools. Hostile referencesto Wal-Mart and Starbucks outnumber those to any Wall Street firms.

　　在很多意義上講，此次抗議活動可以說是不合時宜。一些大的金融公司多年前就離開了華爾街前往曼哈頓中心地區(qū)。除了我們是受苦的99%這一典型的口號，他們打出的標(biāo)語包含很多原因，但是其中很多都和低估風(fēng)險，道德敗壞等這些不管是真實(shí)存在的還是想象出來的金融資本主義的缺點(diǎn)無關(guān)。有些人希望對富人征稅，有些人希望取消商學(xué)院的資格。對于沃爾瑪和星巴克的惡意攻擊比對華爾街公司的聲討還多。

　　The general tone is left-wing, though a lone youth with an End the Fed placard is described asa Ron Paul person, and the libertarian Republican presidential hopeful has at least a handfulof supporters there. Doug Schoen, a pollster for the Democrats, surveyed 200 participantsand found most were well to the left of the American mainstream. Virtually all say theywould support civil disobedience to achieve their goals, and nearly one-third would useviolence if necessary.

　　雖然舉著結(jié)束美聯(lián)儲標(biāo)語牌的一個年輕人被描述為支持Ron Paul的人，而且Ron Paul這位有望獲勝的自由意志共和黨候選人擁有不少支持者，但是抗議的總體基調(diào)是偏左的。民主黨民意調(diào)查員Doug Schoen調(diào)查了200位參與者后發(fā)現(xiàn)其中大部分人就美國主流價值觀念而言思想偏左。幾乎是所有人都認(rèn)為他們都將采用不合作主義達(dá)成目標(biāo)，幾乎有三分之一的人認(rèn)為有必要的話將采用暴力。

　　But even marginal groups can have a big impact in the right circumstances. Some 35% saidthey wanted the Occupy Wall Street movement to do for the Democrats what the tea party had done for the Republicans. Whether such anupheaval would ever increase a partys electability is another question.

　　但是在合適的情況下即使非主流的群體也會產(chǎn)生極大的影響。約35%的人希望占領(lǐng)華爾街運(yùn)動對于民主黨能起到茶黨對于共和黨的同樣的推動作用。但是這樣的折騰能否增加一個政黨獲勝的幾率又是另一回事了。

　　For many, the main aim may be to have fun. But the protest is also notable for scrupulousadherence to the sort of democratic values that Alexis de Tocqueville, a French chronicler ofAmerica, loved. A general assembly meets up to twice a day to discuss proposals from workinggroups. Politicians are wary of persecuting such well-disciplined gatherings and the police havelargely stayed their hand. They are happily earning overtime.

　　對于很多人而言，主要就是目標(biāo)就是玩樂。值得注意的是抗議者們認(rèn)真遵循著美國編年史作家法國人Alexis deTocqueville所推崇的民主觀。他們每天召開兩次大會討論勞動群體的提議。政客們在起訴這些紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明的機(jī)會方面十分謹(jǐn)慎，警察們大部分時間都放手不管。抗議者們喜歡表現(xiàn)的活躍。

　　What exactly would winning mean?

　　勝利到底意味著什么?

　　The protesters have not said what would make them declarevictory and go home. The first practical proposal, to cancel military operations overseas to payfor a big public-works programme, caused a big row. The easiest way for the protest todevelop may be through more civil disobedience. That stokes feelings of self-righteousness but does little to win wider support. Meanwhile, the protests political effectseems very uncertain. Protesters decry what they see as attempts by politicians, includingBarack Obama, to curry favour with them. Union support, which could add muscle, is patchy.Unions like the Teamsters are visible in New Yorks marches, but their offers of financialsupport are treated warily. In Spain the indignados have fanned fury with the Socialistgovernmentthus helping the centre-right, which is set to win next months election.

　　抗議者們沒有說明要達(dá)成什么目標(biāo)才能宣告勝利，解散回家。他們的第一個有實(shí)際意義的提議是是取消國外的軍事行動，轉(zhuǎn)而資助一項(xiàng)大規(guī)模的公共就業(yè)項(xiàng)目。該提議引起了大爭論。抗議繼續(xù)進(jìn)行的最簡單的方法或許是通過更多的不合作運(yùn)動，這樣做能夠這樣做讓人們自以為是正人君子，但是就取得更廣泛的支持方面成效甚少。同時，抗議者們的政治作用似乎很不確定。他們譴責(zé)包括奧巴馬在內(nèi)的政客們試圖討好他們的做法。工會的支持雖然能夠增加他們的影響力，但是這樣的支持力度不一。諸如Teamsters這樣的工會都參與了紐約的游行，但是在經(jīng)濟(jì)支持方面他們就表現(xiàn)的十分謹(jǐn)慎。西班牙的憤怒者運(yùn)動使人們對于社會主義黨政府更加不滿，因此幫助了右翼政黨，他們在下個月的大選中肯定能獲勝。

　　In contrast with previous anti-globalisation protests, many of the latest ones seem to havestarted spontaneously. In some cases, what began as freelance events gradually linked upwith protests in other cities and other countries as they gained momentum. That keepstechnology-minded activists busy exchanging messages and tactics, but it does not amount toan orchestrated global push.

　　和以前的反對全球化的抗議活動相比，近來的很多活動都是自發(fā)的。在一些情況下，一些起初的自由活動隨著聲勢的加強(qiáng)逐漸和其他省市或國家的抗議活動聯(lián)系了起來。這使得善于利用技術(shù)的活動者們忙于交換信息和對策，但這并不是一場協(xié)同一致的全球性活動。

　　The scene across Europe is similar. A tent city outside St Pauls Cathedral in London, bestknown for royal weddings, is festooned with slogans, chiefly bashing bankers . A friendly cathedral cleric persuaded police not to move the protest, atleast for now . Joanna Wilde, a chatty Australianwho works in tourism, says she will stay till we get what we wanteven if, as in America, whatthat might be is unclear. Her pal Jan wants more equality and empathy. Jamie Lee, a studentwashing cups in a makeshift kitchen, says the camp is the beginning of the end of globalcapitalism. A ten-point list of demands blasts tax havens and the influence of business overpolitics.

　　歐洲的情況同美國差不多。著名的皇室婚禮舉行地圣保羅教堂外支起了一個個帳篷，帳篷上面貼滿了標(biāo)語，標(biāo)語的主要內(nèi)容都是抨擊銀行家的。一位有好的教堂神職人員勸說警方不要把抗議者們趕走，至少因?yàn)楝F(xiàn)在時機(jī)不合適。在旅游行業(yè)工作的健談的澳大利亞人Joanna Wilde說在得不到我們想要的她就不離開。盡管她這樣說，我們想要的同在美國一樣，獲取不清楚是什么。她的朋友Jan希望更加平等，更加相通。在一個臨時帳篷里洗杯子的學(xué)生Jamie Lee說抗議活動是全球資本主義瓦解的開始。一個列有十個要求的清單上批判避稅天堂和商業(yè)對于政治的影響。

　　Protests in Germany are more middle-class and even more focused. They have unleashedan overdue debate on the countrys universal banks. A 20-year-old called Wolfram Sienerbested two leading financiers on television. Wolfgang Sch?uble, the finance minister, said theprotests should be taken seriously. Sigmar Gabriel, leader of the opposition Social Democrats,said banks and the financial markets had worked massively against the commongoodbecause politicians let them. AttacDeutschland, a longer-standing anti-globalisation group, joined up with Occupy Frankfurt. Theywant to tax wealth and bank profits, and to break up big banks.

　　德國的抗議活動的參與者多來自中產(chǎn)階級，而且目標(biāo)更加集中。他們引發(fā)了一場就該國全能銀行遲來的辯論。20多歲的Wolfram Siener在電視辯論中打敗了兩位著名的金融界人士。財(cái)政部長Wolfgang Sch?uble認(rèn)為應(yīng)該認(rèn)真對待此次抗議活動。在野黨社會民主黨黨首Sigmar Gabriel認(rèn)為銀行和金融市場極力破壞公共利益，因?yàn)槭鞘苷蛡兯埂ｉL期的，全球化組織Attac Deutschland參加了占領(lǐng)法蘭克福運(yùn)動。他們希望對富人和銀行利潤征稅，解散大銀行。

　　Italy is very different. Banks there have not needed bailing out. Discontent among youngItalians stems rather from burning resentment at the lack of opportunity in an economy thathas been at a virtual standstill for more than ten years. But that does not explain the violence.Minutes after the start of a peaceful march by several tens of thousands through the centre ofRome, masked protesters looted a supermarket, defiled a church, set cars alight and battledpolice in a square near a cathedral. A crude bomb planted outside a bank badly injured apeaceful protester who tried to move it to safety. Italys interior minister, Roberto Maroni,rightly noted that the clashes could have been lethal. A detachment of riot police narrowlyescaped from an armoured van that was set alight by the protesters and exploded.

　　意大利的情況不同。當(dāng)?shù)劂y行不需要政府紓困。實(shí)際上意大利經(jīng)濟(jì)已經(jīng)十多年都停滯不前，人們對于缺少發(fā)展機(jī)會表示憤恨，意大利年輕人的不滿則更是因此不滿。但這并不是暴力活動的原因。成年上萬的人在羅馬市中心和平游行幾分鐘后，一些頭戴面具的抗議者們就搶劫了一家超市，踐踏了一所教堂，燒毀了車輛，在一大教堂附近的廣場上同警察產(chǎn)生沖突。一個放置在銀行外面的土炸彈把一個試圖將其運(yùn)走的和平示威者炸成重傷。意大利內(nèi)政部長Roberto Maroni說的很正確，這些沖突可能是致命的。一個被抗議者點(diǎn)燃后爆炸的裝甲小貨車險些奪走了一個制止暴亂的警察小分隊(duì)的人的性命。

　　Some blame poor work by police demoralised by pay cuts. Mr Maroni wants tougher powersagainst protests and the mayor has banned marches for a month. Some blame communities offar-leftists who are mostly ex-squatters. One in Turin, called Askatasuna, carried a statementon its website that celebrated mass resistance and sacred rage against austerity.

　　一些人責(zé)備警察們因?yàn)樾剿疁p少意志消沉，工作做得不好。Maroni先生希望采取更加嚴(yán)厲的措施打擊抗議活動，羅馬市長下令禁止在該市舉行游行，為期一個月。一些人批評了極左勢力的人的團(tuán)體，這些人中的大部分人曾經(jīng)都擅自占用過別人的土地。都靈的 Askatasuna社團(tuán)在其網(wǎng)站上發(fā)表聲明支持人們就緊縮措施的反對和不用質(zhì)疑的憤怒。

　　Two dangers await the campers. One is capture by outsiders, either opportunistic or batty,who wish to revive Trotskyism or bash America. Such causes may draw more support fromenthusiasts, but for the mainstream that merely worries about reckless banks and a saggingeconomy, they make the protests look tired and familiar, not new and fresh.

　　抗議者們面對兩大危險。第一個被外部人所利用，這些人不是機(jī)會主義者就是笨頭笨腦。他們希望復(fù)興托洛茨基主義或打垮美國。這些理由或許能從熱烈支持者那里得到更多的支持。但是對于那些擔(dān)心魯莽的銀行及衰退的經(jīng)濟(jì)的主流群體而言，這些人讓這些抗議活動看起來俗套無味，沒有新鮮感。

　　The second danger is that the protest consumes its own energy. Managing a large camp site ina city centre means mundane attention to detail, from toilets to rules on loud music, drugs,smoking and drinking. Keeping going will get harder as the weather chills. On top of that comethe problems of managing proceedings in what is in effect a huge debating society, in whicheveryone has a say, and speeches are relayed by human microphoneschanted sentence bysentence by the participants. All that gets tedious after a while.

　　第二個危險是抗議活動在消耗著自己的力量。在一個城市中心管理一個營地意味著注重從廁所到大聲音樂，毒品，抽煙，喝酒規(guī)定等的細(xì)節(jié)問題，這是很乏味的。隨著天氣變冷，繼續(xù)堅(jiān)持下去將變得更加困難。除此之外，還有在這個實(shí)際上是一個大的辯論社會中管理過程的問題。著這個社會里人人都有發(fā)言權(quán)，發(fā)言都是由人力麥克風(fēng)傳遞的，參與者們億一句接一句的把發(fā)言傳遞下去。這樣不久便會變得乏味起來。

　　The protests vague message chimes with a public sense of unfocused dismay. But this is notyet having any clear effect on politics, or the wider course of events. Crucially, most protestslack the sort of support from organised labour that crippled Greece this week. Only if thatchanges can they be a threat to elected governments. The protesters can occupy worldsfinancial markets physically, but they have not shown they can spook them. However if doubtsgrow about the ability of governments in Spain or Italy to enforce tax rises and spending cuts,the result could be a collapse in lenders confidence. With more muscle behind them, theprotesters could yet change the world, though the shift might not be to anyones advantage.

　　抗議者們不清楚的信息和公共沒有中心失落感一致。但這對政治或是更大范圍的的事件上并沒有產(chǎn)生明確的影響。關(guān)鍵的是，大部分的抗議活動缺少本周使希臘經(jīng)濟(jì)陷于癱瘓的有組織的工人們的支持。只有改變這種情況，他們才能對當(dāng)選政府構(gòu)成威脅。抗議者們可以占領(lǐng)全球的金融市場，但是還沒有證明自己可以嚇到它們。但是如果人們對西班牙或意大利政府提高稅收，削減開支的能力更加懷疑，那么結(jié)果可能使借貸國家對其喪失信心。抗議者們影響力日漸增加，他們總有一天能改變世界，盡管這樣的改變并不是對每個人都有利。